To what extent will Hong Kong's new National Security Law "educational reforms" affect its law schools?

By Jerome A. Cohen

Thus far, apart from concern over the fate of Professor Benny Tai, whose earlier criminal conviction now pending appellate review has left him free on bail but under review for possible removal from the Hong Kong University Law School faculty, little attention has been paid to the potential impact of the new NSL on the SAR’s law schools. 

Will freedom of speech continue to prevail at the many forums they sponsor? Will speaking panels be unfairly tilted in favor of pro-government advocates?  Will certain teaching appointments for untenured professors not be renewed for unspoken political reasons? Will certain courses no longer be taught, or their content skewed in response to the new situation? Will new, politically inspired courses be added? Will there be pressures on scholars not to research certain topics or to pursue others? Will classes be monitored by students who are encouraged to report discussion of forbidden topics? What topics might be forbidden? Will the criteria for enrolling undergraduate and post-graduate students be altered? For hiring teachers and research scholars? Will it be possible to continue cooperation with foreign law schools and research institutions and to attract foreign students? Many other questions might be asked. Much is at stake here.

A closely related issue is the impact of NSL Article 55 on academia more generally, making individual scholars subject to government prosecution, not merely restrictions imposed by their academic institutions. Some analyses may be drawing the potential net for prosecution too narrowly. I fear the law may go beyond the examples being discussed by expert observers. For example, in view of Article 55, many scholars now teaching in HK, whether bred in HK or arrivals from the Mainland or from foreign climes, are asking themselves, as recently as today, should they continue to grant interviews to foreign media, take part in international Zoom-type fora, write another op-ed or blog condemning the new NSL, meet with students including foreign students, etc.? Moreover, are their foreign interlocutors likely to also be pursued by the PRC as “colluders”? And will activist scholars in HK have alleged violations of the NSL used against them when they apply for promotion, course assignments and research grants? These are not merely academic questions, as many well appreciate. 

Furthermore, although I agree that it’s best for activist teachers to carry on until some specific warning is issued, it is a more difficult decision for a university professor who is not a foreign national. Yet I have even advised one who isn’t a foreigner to not significantly self-censor until a warning is issued. In response I was told that informal warnings and advice had already been personally given by university officials, even before adoption of the NSL!! In these circumstances, even the bravest are now becoming at least somewhat more discreet.