Remembering Professor Jiang Ping

By Jerome A. Cohen

Like so many, I admired Professor Jiang Ping, and we seemed to have a special bond even though we seldom actually got together. It seemed to be based on our similar ages and our mutual concern for China’s legal profession. In many ways he was a courageous person as well as an influential developer of China’s civil law. 

I greatly respected his decision to return to China despite June 4th, which occurred while he was abroad, in Hawaii, I believe. He was always supportive of attempts to defend the PRC’s criminal defense lawyers, and I liked his ability to retain his sense of humor in difficult circumstances. He made a great impact on my class when I invited him down to lecture at NYU while he was visiting at Columbia. His career encapsulated the PRC’s legal progress and problems from the early 1950s.

Even in death the Party seeks to benefit from Professor Jiang Ping and keep him under control. As experience in China has shown, funerals can sometimes provide the single spark that lights a prairie fire. Both the Supreme Court and the Supreme Procuracy sent tributes. I didn’t see anything from China’s lawyers association but there may well have been, if only discreetly. I hope someone will analyze the symbolism and significance of this occasion. 

Lao Dongyan's Essay on Facing the Real World

By Jerome A. Cohen

Here is an extraordinary essay that was shared before it was quickly removed from WeChat (translated by David Cowhig). It’s a good thing it’s so long. Otherwise it would not have lasted two hours! Many China-watchers will find it a worthy read. It is, of course, the seldom-published weeping of many law professors whose voices have been silenced, not only at one of China’s major law schools – Tsinghua. I wonder whether Professor Lao, a younger scholar whom I did not know during my 2002-3-4-5 autumn semesters teaching there, will now suffer the fate of her former colleague, the ex-communicated, shunned and impoverished Professor Xu Zhangrun, who is being quietly and informally but severely punished for his brilliant and courageous critiques of Xi Jinping’s repression.

This essay is not only about the plight of legal scholars, lawyers, free speech and the abuse of criminal justice. It is a Chinese intellectual’s effort to confront contemporary life. It is also a meditation on arriving at middle age (recall the PRC movie from the early post-1979 era “Ren Dao Zhongnian”) and on the responsibilities of raising children to cope with the contradictions of China’s present political, social and economic environment. Professor Lao offers many admirable sentences, and I like her concluding quotation of J.K.Rowling’s speech to Harvard graduates, which urges a path that we all might well follow.

Is there a quiet pre-Olympics crackdown on human rights lawyers?

By Jerome A. Cohen

I was tempted not to post this report of the official disappearance of another human rights lawyer, since events like this occur so often perhaps they no longer constitute “news” and attract public interest. Yet some observers believe that a special, below-the-radar effort may have begun to prevent the PRC’s continuing harsh repression from being exposed to the media as the Winter Olympics approaches. The long-anticipated last month “trial” of the well-respected and long-confined lawyer-activists Xu Zhiyong and Ding Jiaxi may have been postponed until after the Olympics or after the 20th Party Congress at year’s end (or even the 2049 100thanniversary of the PRC’s establishment!). There has been much PRC silence about many other long-pending cases. This week’s detention of lawyer Xie Yang may be designed “merely” to remove him from society until after the Games or, unlike his previous detentions, he may this time be permanently lost to life like the famous human rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng who, after repeated formal imprisonments failed to halt his protests, has simply not been heard about for several years. Like many, Gao is a victim not of Xi Jinping’s vaunted “rule by law” but of lawlessness. What should the International Olympics Committee be doing in response to this situation? The Amnesty report cited here is especially worth reading.

The forthcoming trial of two of China's greatest human rights lawyers and would-be political reformers–Xu Zhiyong and Ding Jiaxi

Ding Jiaxi (left) and Xu Zhiyong

By Jerome A. Cohen

After torturing these two admirable people for almost two years, the PRC finally appears ready to bring them to secret trial, probably between Christmas and the New Year in order to minimize foreign publicity. Here is a reliable two-page summary of their plight written by Lawyer Ding’s remarkable wife, Sophie Luo, who is now working in the United States for a European company while devoting all other energy to attempting to secure her husband’s freedom. She is not only as well-informed as possible about this non-transparent prosecution but also unusually articulate, thoughtful and balanced in her analysis of the overall PRC human rights situation. A Council on Foreign Relations Round Table Dialogue with her is tentatively scheduled for December 14.

One of the questions worthy of exploration is why the PRC bothers with secret and distorted legal trappings in many cases like this while using even less transparent methods to silence other reformers and critics. What purposes are served by the Chinese Communist Party’s criminal justice charades? How much has Xi Jinping learned from Stalin and how much has he “improved on” Stalin’s widely-condemned techniques?

The Forthcoming Trials of Ding Jiaxi and Xu Zhiyong

Xu Zhiyong (left) and Ding Jiaxi

By Jerome A. Cohen

I recently received a sad message from Shengchun Sophie Luo, the wife of human rights and commercial lawyer Ding Jiaxi. Ding and the terrific legal scholar and political reformer Xu Zhiyong are set to be prosecuted soon, but neither the lawyers nor family members have received any information regarding the trial dates. December 6-7 will mark the second anniversary of the Xiamen meeting in which they and about twenty other activists met for a couple of days of discussions reviewing the human rights situation in China. That led soon after to a wide scale roundup of as many of the group as could not evade arrest. Xu and Ding seem to be regarded as ringleaders of a subversive effort and are finally expected to be brought to separate trials before the year’s end. Two recent letters summarizing their plight are linked here and here and reveal the realities of the PRC criminal process, including extended and harsh incommunicado detention, persistent torture, long-delayed access to defense lawyers and illegal restrictions on defense lawyers activities.

Here are summaries of the indictments (Ding Jiaxi here and Xu Zhiyong here) and an excellent analysis of the cases by China Change.

I admire the continuing optimism that reportedly sustains the defendants’ will to resist injustice, but do not share it. Nevertheless, I hope others will do all that they can to protest these tragic abuses by the PRC even if, to borrow the traditional Chinese simile employed by the disappeared tennis star Ms, Peng Shuai, “it’s like throwing an egg against a stone!”

What price martyrdom?

By Jerome A. Cohen

Recent events should make us reflect again on the costs of voluntary martyrdom. Ms. Zhang Zhan, the Shanghai lawyer-journalist who is serving a sentence of four years in prison for reporting on Wuhan’s early mishandling of the Coronavirus, is currently hospitalized and approaching death as a result of the determined hunger strike that she hopes will inspire further protests against dictatorship. Professor Xu Zhiyong has again recently been indicted for another supposedly subversive offense that may ensure his continuing imprisonment and torture, this time for perhaps twelve years.

On the other hand, the distinguished journalist and author Stephen Vines has wisely decided to leave Hong Kong for London rather than risk prosecution, like so many other critics have already suffered, for exposing the Handover that has now become the Takeover.  Just before leaving, he published an excellent book entitled “Defying the Dragon; Hong Kong and the World’s Largest Dictatorship”. One of the distinguished observers who have endorsed this book is Joshua Wong, whom the book’s publisher rightly identifies as “Hong Kong’s most famous democracy advocate”. Joshua, sadly, seems destined to spend the coming years in prison.

Wouldn’t Zhang Zhan, Xu Zhiyong and Joshua Wong do more for human rights if they were free and abroad rather than silenced in prison? Was Liu Xiaobo right in believing that political martyrdom would inspire future generations sufficiently to warrant the loss of his further contributions, if only from exile?

I had this kind of conversation with the famous Chinese human rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng in 2005. He chose martyrdom rather than the less heroic, more practical path that I suggested. Tragically, he has long since been “disappeared” and joined the forgotten.

Remembering 709: Confronting Today and Tomorrow

By Jerome A. Cohen

Here are the remarks that I delivered at today's event, the 5th China Human Rights Lawyer Day, hosted by several US and Taiwanese organizations. I am honored that I was asked to participate in the program, yet I am sad that I cannot be more encouraging than last year about the prospects for China’s human rights lawyers and other Chinese advocates for political and civil liberties in their country.

Of course, I again want to try to rally China’s beleaguered human rights activists and their many foreign supporters to keep the faith. We must not lessen our support for all those engaged in the great and historic effort to nourish the development of justice, due process, government under law and freedoms of expression in China, even while those of us outside China strive to meet similar challenges in our own societies.

Yet we owe each other and our shared cause the duty of candor. Illusions and self-deception cannot serve us. We are engaged in a long-run struggle. The six years since the start of the tragic 709 crackdown are a mere speck in China’s long history. Even the 70 years since the establishment of the People’s Republic is but a short interval. It is important to note that these most recent seven decades have been marked by major swings in the pendulum of political development. The current Xi Jinping era is especially depressing to those who hope for a democratic dawn or at least a more pluralistic and freer country that offers protection to individual rights. But change will come again, as many of us predicted even during the darkest days of Mao’s Cultural Revolution. I recommend that everyone inside and outside China see the so-called film comedy “THE DEATH OF STALIN”. As the nineteenth century poet Swinburne wrote: “No life lives forever”.

In the interim, what should we be doing?

1. Certainly we should give all the support we can to those who, despite all obstacles, continue to engage in the struggle for the protection of human rights in China. We should continue to let them know that we greatly appreciate the risks and suffering they endure and the contributions that they are managing to make.

2. We need to do much more to inform the world about the true situation of China’s human rights lawyers and the extent to which the PRC’s criminal process serves as totalitarianism’s major weapon of repression and injustice.

3. We must provide full support to those Chinese human rights lawyers who escape from China, and we must benefit from the accurate information and advice that they bring us.

4. We must attempt to persuade UN institutions, other international organizations, foreign governments and legislatures, NGOs, the media, bar associations, law firms, law schools, and individual lawyers, judges, officials, scholars and students to focus on the suppression of China’s human rights lawyers and to maximize pressures to alleviate their persecution. Every day in many fora we have to keep asking questions such as: Is the great lawyer Gao Zhisheng dead or alive? Is the great civic reformer Xu Zhiyong  again suffering torture while imprisoned?

We must not succumb to compassion fatigue. Indeed, if we increase our efforts, perhaps next year’s 709 conference will be convened in a more optimistic atmosphere. 

The link to the video of today's program is here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pJY_WNtPcOs

 

 

Jiang Tianyong's Continued House Arrest

Jiang Tianyong (image via Frontline Defenders)

Jiang Tianyong (image via Frontline Defenders)

By Jerome A. Cohen

Here is the latest report on the continuing police detention of disbarred lawyer Jiang Tianyong, whose home, like that of many others ostensibly released from prison, has been turned into his prison. This, as the report indicates, is a classic example of the widespread but little-recognized practice that I long ago termed “Non-Release Release” (NRR). Although Jiang still has another year to serve of the three-year “deprivation of political rights” (DPR) to which he was sentenced in addition to his formal two-year prison sentence, there is no way that his continuing NRR can be justified as falling under DPR, and I have seen no serious attempt to legally support that claim. This is simply another instance of arbitrary police action against which there is no appeal. It is, of course, a blatant violation of Jiang’s rights under both international law and China’s domestic laws. 

I am especially aware of the tragic injustice that Xi Jinping’s Communist Party is inflicting in this case. I have known and admired Jiang for over fifteen years since he made his career change from public school teacher to human rights lawyer because he believed that would enable him to do more to promote democracy, freedom and human rights for the country. We cooperated in 2004-05 in the vain effort to protect the famous blind “barefoot lawyer” Chen Guangcheng. Jiang proved to be an able and fearless colleague. He and his family have long suffered as a result of his many similarly courageous efforts.

Much more should be done to expose, condemn and prevent such blatant injustices.

Pressure Mounts on the Hong Kong Bar Association

By Jerome A. Cohen

Here is an important report summarizing the many efforts being made by Beijing and its Hong Kong minions to press Paul Harris into resigning from his new post as chairman of the Hong Kong Bar Association. This is only part of the broader campaign to try to neuter the Bar Association. If that proves successful, it will limit the capacity of independent courts to fulfill their duties. Judges need the help of good litigating lawyers in all controversies.

I don’t know Mr. Harris, but by all accounts, he is a very able lawyer, a dedicated law reformer, and a vigorous proponent of human rights. Beijing and the Hong Kong  government see him as a force to be crushed, especially after he began his tenure as Bar chairman by suggesting that certain provisions of the new National Security Law for Hong Kong be amended in order to make them consistent with Hong Kong’s constitutional values, the Basic Law, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights that the Basic Law makes applicable to Hong Kong.

Harris, as the article points out, has the confidence of most members of the Bar Association. No one ran against him in the chairmanship election. One has to ask, however, why once again is the Bar chair not a local ethnic Chinese, as so often was the case in earlier years?  Is it because the Bar is already feeling intimidated by Beijing’s political pressures and abilities to restrict the professional prospects and even the personal freedom of even the ablest barristers in the city? We should note that the great legal light Martin Lee and Margaret Ng, another able lawyer and liberal political leader, stood trial today on charges of organizing and participating in unauthorized assembly. Both pleaded not guilty, and the trial has been adjourned until next month. At least they, unlike Jimmy Lai, are out on bail.

The Continuing Attack on China's Human Rights Lawyers

By Jerome A. Cohen

dingjiaxi

Human rights lawyer Ding Jiaxi

The title of this latest valuable message from IAPL Monitoring, “Rights lawyer Ding Jiaxi remains under police investigation,” sounds much too innocuous to encapsulate what is taking place. “Remains under police investigation” does not do justice to the gross injustice being perpetrated by the Linyi Public Security Bureau (PSB), the PSB that so abused the blind “barefoot lawyer” Chen Guangcheng in so many ways from 2005 until his extraordinary escape in 2012. 

Human rights lawyer Ding has been held incommunicado for almost one year since his detention following the small HR lawyers meeting last December in Xiamen. If the experience of so many others is a guide, he is undoubtedly being subjected to tortures of various kinds.

What is interesting about this latest sad report of the plight of “disappeared lawyers” is the apparent refusal of the local procuracy to accept the PSB’s recommendation for prosecution on two occasions, presumably because the police are not deemed to have made out the case for “inciting subversion of state power”. In these circumstances Ding should be released free and clear or at least granted the PRC equivalent of “bail” if there is need for the investigation to continue. 

The PSB rejects this proper course and continues to try again. The procuracy should order the PSB to at least grant the defense lawyer’s request for bail. Yet, in order to avoid embarrassment and accountability for the police and to avoid sanctions against the procuracy itself, it continues to send the case back for more evidence. The procuracy is caught in a dilemma, trying to do its duty to carry out the legal protections prescribed in the PRC Criminal Procedure Law to prevent an unjustifiable indictment and yet not run afoul of the Communist Party’s insistence that the police, procuracy and courts operate as “a single fist” in such cases.

I assume the Linyi City Party Political-Legal Committee will resolve the problem since, legally, the procuracy cannot continue at this point to keep sending the request for prosecution back to the police for further “investigation”.

DING’S LAWYERS GROUP WAS A MODERATE CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATION. If I were a Hong Kong lawyer working for civic, political and legal reforms, I would take note of the Mainland precedents and be very worried about Hong Kong’s deteriorating constitutional prospects and my own future. For example, Dennis Kwok, the able and dynamic lawyer representing the Hong Kong legal profession in the Legislative Council until his Wednesday ouster by the NPCSC, intends to return to law practice and continue, as a citizen as well as a barrister, his opposition to the new National Security Law. Should he be prepared for detention and “investigation” for alleged “inciting subversion against state power”? Now that the Mainland security organizations have come to dominate HK, will he be subjected to the same incommunicado “investigation” procedures and punishments as Mainland lawyer Ding?

Case of Chinese Lawyer Qin Yongpei Submitted to Seven UN Offices

By Jerome A. Cohen

Lawyer Qin Yongpei

Lawyer Qin Yongpei

Here, to mark the first anniversary of the incommunicado detention of the valiant and imaginative Chinese defense lawyer Qin Yongpei, is the remarkable submission of his plight to no fewer than seven UN human rights offices by the Chinese Human Rights Defenders. CHRD has written a communiqué outlining the timeline of Qin’s arrest and alleging subsequent arbitrary detention and torture.

Qin’s case has followed what by now is a familiar course. First, like many HR lawyers, he was picked up, held, intimidated, warned and released in 2015. When he persisted in carrying out his lawyer’s obligations, in 2018 he was disbarred from law practice and his law firm dissolved. After ingeniously forming an ostensible business consultancy in order to continue their work, he and some disbarred colleagues added to their challenges to the police-prosecutors-judges triumvirate by establishing a “Disbarred China Lawyers Club” that exposed official corruption and abuses of power as well as the environmental depredations of a local mining company. That proved to be the last straw for the targets of his public efforts, and he was then “disappeared” by the targets in 2019. There is as yet, one year later, apparently no further news of him.

What a tangle it must be now for the seven different UN groups, including the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and several Special Rapporteurs, to decide how best to reconcile their overlapping jurisdictions in order to vigorously pursue their duties. Their inquiries may evoke a PRC response and speed up the processing of this typically sad case. Surely it should not continue unnoticed by the world community.

The Ongoing Detention of Lawyer Li Yuhan

By Jerome A. Cohen

Lawyer Li Yuhan, image taken from Front Line Defenders.

Lawyer Li Yuhan, image taken from Front Line Defenders.

Recently, Lawyers for Lawyers wrote a letter calling for the release of Li Yuhan, a Chinese human rights lawyer who was detained three years ago for “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.” The letter cites urgent medical conditions and calls for her immediate release. The case of Li Yuhan is another sad example of how in the PRC the Communist Party, police, prosecutors and judges continue, despite various legislative reforms and Xi Jinping’s frequent orders to “do everything according to law,” to act “as a single fist” in coercing confessions, even from human rights lawyers. In every political system, vigorous lawyers are sometimes thought by some people to “provoke trouble.” This is what happens to them in the PRC.

I don’t know Ms. Li Yuhan but she is apparently among the many courageous Chinese lawyers who, despite severe health disabilities and massive physical and psychological pressures, has persistently sought to resist being coerced into false “confessions.” What seems to be unique about this case is the reported promise – made not by Party, police or prosecution but by the very court scheduled to determine guilt or innocence in a supposedly impartial public trial – that, if only she would finally “confess,” they would restore her right to practice law again after her release. I have never heard of this mode of coercion before, a new addition to the repulsive bag of tricks that the PRC has perfected into an art form. How and why Ms. Li has managed to hold out against these horrendous pressures remains a mystery, of course, and I wonder how much longer she can do so, with what consequences. One reason why she has not succumbed to this promise may well be an understandable skepticism that the promise would be fulfilled.

Also notable about this case, although certainly far from unique, is the length of time she is being detained prior to “trial,” far exceeding the maximum prescribed in  the Criminal Procedure Law unless special approval has been obtained from the highest national government authority. I wonder whether evidence of such approval exists. Here one also has to wonder about the restrictions imposed on the lawyer allowed to represent her, who apparently has finally had access to her and learned about the unsuccessful judicial coercion almost a year ago.

Perhaps the only recourse available to Ms. Li’s family and others seeking her freedom is to invoke the ancient Chinese legal tradition of seeking to block the emperor’s procession in order to have him hear their cries of injustice. But, as they well know, this would only lead to the endless detentions of those engaged in the effort. So much for the vaunted “trial-centered justice” that current reforms claim to implement!

I assume (and hope), because of the publicity surrounding the detention of the “Hong Kong 12,” that they will not receive similar treatment to Ms. Li’s.

A Reflection on Multinational Law Firms and Their China Practices

By Jerome A. Cohen

Here is a useful update on the fate of foreign law firms that began to venture into the PRC in 1979. In 2020, four global firms have either closed offices or severed ties with a partner firm in mainland China, and in the last five years, eight top firms have closed at least one China office. This news has led me to reflect on the topic, since I was in on the start, before Chinese firms, which have now become such formidable competitors and partners, had even been formally re-established after the end of the Cultural Revolution. This story has to be viewed as part of the broader efforts by American and other Western firms to establish offices throughout East Asia after the end of World War II and especially following the Korean war. Local lawyers in each of the East Asian countries, some freshly returned from study in North America, the UK and the Continent, often did their best to resist the foreigners’ entry into practice, although many in the governments of those countries often saw the desirable aspects of foreign entry for the modernization and internationalization of their economies and legal systems. There was a long, gradual acceptance of foreign firms, usually under careful restrictions that represented compromises with the local bar and under WTO and bilateral trade arrangements. These still exist to varying degrees.

Two anecdotes, both from the 1973-74 period, illustrate the situation. Japan’s quickly developing market was the first target of Western law firms. After Isaac Shapiro, then leading Milbank Tweed’s international efforts in Asia, persuaded the Japanese Foreign Ministry to allow him to set up shop in Tokyo -- NOT as a law firm but as the representative of the firm’s major client, The Chase Bank, I called on MOFA’s head of North American Affairs on behalf of Coudert Brothers, then another top international firm. Now that we had this favorable precedent, I said, was it not time to allow foreign law firms to establish Tokyo offices in their own names? With a straight face, this able Yale Law graduate, an evident sympathizer with the local bar, replied: “That was no precedent. That was a mistake!” Eventually, however, the situation In Japan improved for international law firms and that gradually had an influence elsewhere in the region.

In 1973, I met with Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew on the subject in the hope of breaking the barrier Singapore lawyers had presented. Lee saw the utility of gradually introducing foreign firms in order to improve the legal services for international transactions in the rapidly developing area and to stimulate the rather sleepy local bar to higher standards. But he also did not want to suddenly break the rice bowls of local practitioners, especially since his wife and brother were running a profitable international law office. So, he decided to admit one foreign firm, Coudert Brothers, with a determination to admit others over time as conditions warranted, which is what happened.

It is notable that, even after that, the UK’s colonial government limited the entry and practice of non-UK firms in Hong Kong, and that only the 1997 “Handover” of HK to the PRC opened the way to the current more competitive situation in which PRC law firms have also played an increasing role.

One point to stress in evaluating the withdrawal of some foreign law firms from China is that some may have withdrawn for reasons unrelated to their China practice. The late, lamented Coudert Brothers, for example, which led the way for foreign law practice in Beijing beginning 1979, left the field because problems largely unrelated to China led to the firm’s dissolution!

What Big Data on China's Lawyers Fails to Mention

By Jerome A. Cohen

This China Daily story on Beijing’s lawyers has recently been called to my attention. The Ministry of Justice has published data from 2019 on the number of lawyers, law firms, and revenue generated, among other things. It shows the great growth in the legal profession since its renewal following the rise of Deng Xiaoping in 1978. Deng, of course, had been Party Secretary-General in 1957 when Mao launched the Anti-Rightist Campaign that put China’s then Soviet-style lawyers out of action for over two decades. When in August 1979 the Beijing Economic Development Corporation asked me to organize an international commercial law training program for city officials, none of whom had legal training, only a handful of lawyers had begun to reemerge and it took several years for legal education to be revived and lawyers and law firms to be formally authorized once again. 

Unfortunately, the statistics that were just released are not comprehensive. They fail, for example, to mention the number of lawyers who have been disbarred and the number of law firms that have been forced to close (many for political reasons). Some of the statistics seem surprising, such as the small number of supporting staff (this may be a definitional problem) and the small number of arbitration cases in which lawyers took part, probably a reflection of the fact that most arbitrations have not involved significant enough claims to make retention of lawyers sensible or feasible for claimants. The small number of criminal cases in which lawyers took part is not a surprise, since most Chinese criminal defendants have gone without lawyers, especially in lesser criminal cases. Note the very big jump in lawyers’ revenue (a year-on-year growth of 16.64%). It’s an incentive for them not to risk the good life by getting drawn into a range of tempting human rights matters that often end lawyers’ careers and even their personal freedom.

The Case of Chinese Public Intellectual/Lawyer/Activist Xu Zhiyong Raises Questions About PRC Police Discretion to Detain Suspects

By Jerome A. Cohen

Xu Zhiyong speaks during a meeting in Beijing in 2013. Xiao Guozhen via Reuters

Xu Zhiyong speaks during a meeting in Beijing in 2013. Xiao Guozhen via Reuters

The recent formal arrest of Xu Zhiyong raises questions about the relationship of the notorious Residential Surveillance at a Designated Location (RSDL) to the regular criminal process and other forms of Communist Party-police coercion. Xu has been held incommunicado since his February 15 detention. He was formally arrested for “inciting subversion of state power” last week and has now been reportedly placed under RSDL. 

I have been under the impression that, under China’s Criminal Procedure Law, supposed “national security” suspects have often first been subjected to up to six months of RSDL. Then the police decide what the next step should be. That could be release with no further criminal processing, or the granting of the PRC equivalent of “bail”, or formal “arrest” followed by continuing detention while the case undergoes further investigation in preparation for the decision whether to indict and prosecute the suspect. “Bail” can also be granted after “arrest”. Whether granted before or after “arrest”, “bail” usually means that the case will be dropped quietly if the suspect does nothing objectionable to the police within the next year.

AMNESTY’s report on the fates of various lawyers detained by the police after their informal December 2019  meeting in Xiamen is worth reading. Although the bail for lawyers Dai and Zhang and the continuing detention of lawyer Ding for apparent prosecution seem consistent with what I know of the usual practice, I wonder about Xu’s case. Is he only now being sent to RSDL and after, not before, formal arrest? If that’s the case, under what authority was he held for the months since February 15? 

The Public Order Administration Punishment Law only allows maximum police detention for 15 days for each minor offense. Might Xu have initially been held under RSDL and is he now being sent back for a second time after arrest? Such a maneuver would be a disturbing extension of police power.

Might Xu have been initially detained in accordance with the 2018 National Supervisory Law’s “liu zhi” sanction? Nominally, ”liuzhi” is not supposed to be “detention” but in fact it is another type of incommunicado confinement, one that is outside the Criminal Procedure Law. It is the successor to the Party’s long-feared “Shuanggui” that the Supervisory Law has authorized for applications far beyond those who are Party members. 

Has anyone seen any details that might help explain Xu’s detention process and how the various sanctions available to the Party-state relate to each other? I have seen no indication that Xu might have been held under other supposedly non-criminal administrative provisions authorizing detention for prostitution, drug or other anti-social behavior or because of severe mental illness. Might the Amnesty report have simply made a mistake about Xu being sent to RSDL after arrest instead of being transferred now for likely indictment and trial?

The 709 Crackdown is a Permanent Process

By Jerome A. Cohen

I recently had an interview with William Yang on the fifth anniversary of the “709 Mass Arrest.” Although I do not think that the intensity has increased, this campaign has become a permanent, ongoing process. This is partially because the original crackdown did not wipe out all of its intended targets, but also because Xi Jinping is experiencing increasing pressure at home and abroad. Read the full interview here.

10th anniversary of the disbarment of Chinese human rights lawyers Tang

By Jerome A. Cohen

My colleague Yu-Jie Chen and I wrote about the disbarment of human rights lawyers Tang Jitian and Liu Wei ten years ago. At the 10th anniversary today, Professor Eva Pils and I, in collaboration with Yu-jie Chen, have just published an op-ed in the South China Morning Post to remember this case and the plight of Tang Jitian and his colleagues.

A decade has passed, and the human rights lawyer movement in China has deteriorated with astonishing speed. We asked at the end of the article: Will liberal democracies and the international legal profession, preoccupied with the coronavirus and other major distractions, take note? Tang Jitian and his surviving colleagues in China try to remain hopeful. Are they right?

Tang Jitian

Tang Jitian

left, Wang Cheng, Tang Jitian, Jiang Tianyong, at the Nongken Procuratorate in Jiansanjiang before their detention on March 21, 2014. Source: Human Rights in China

left, Wang Cheng, Tang Jitian, Jiang Tianyong, at the Nongken Procuratorate in Jiansanjiang before their detention on March 21, 2014. Source: Human Rights in China


Human rights lawyer Wang Quanzahgn reunites with family after his “non-release release”. But under what conditions?

By Jerome A. Cohen

It is indeed great news that Wang Quanzhang has finally been allowed to return to Beijing and his family. Many who supported him and his human rights cause for five years will be moved by the video of the family reunion.

The significance of Wang’s release from “non-release release” (伪释放) in Jinan after a week of the Party’s uncertain waffling in the unusual glare of foreign media has yet to be determined, of course. What are the conditions, if any, of his return to Beijing?

Did his dynamic, gallant wife manage to resist the usual pressures to keep the ex-prisoner at home cut off from the world? Was her illness and hospital trip the straw that broke the Party’s back? Will Wang, having already had unusual access to people and media in Jinan, continue to have such access in Beijing? The Party may decide it’s too late to lock the barn door. Will he now actually be freer to tell the full story of the cruelty inflicted upon him so unfairly by the Party’s criminal justice system?

And might this case indicate recognition by the Party that the police should not have unlimited discretion in determining the scope of post-conviction “deprivation of political rights” (DPR)? After all, as the Soviet origins of this largely unrecognized punishment demonstrate, DPR was thought by many merely to deprive an ex-convict of the rights to vote and stand for election, not an enormous deprivation given the realities of Communist politics.

Update on lawyer Wang Quanzhang and “deprivation of political rights”

By Jerome A. Cohen

Here is an update on the weird and fascinating “non-release release” (NRR) of the famous, disbarred human rights lawyer Wang Quanzhang, who is being prevented from returning to his home and family in Beijing and kept in his former residence in Jinan (the police having ousted the tenant who was renting from Wang) but allowed some contacts with his sister, a friend and some non-PRC media.

A local Jinan police station official told his sister that Wang is required to stay there because he is under sentence of “deprivation of political rights” (DPR) for the five years after his “release” from almost five years in prison. This would be a far-fetched interpretation of the criminal punishment of DPR, as I pointed out in my last week’s pre-release op-ed in the SCMP.

Wang’s tenacious and brave wife, Li Wenzu, has openly ridiculed this DPR argument in a tweet that has evoked a large variety of interesting responses. Her evolving and well-publicized challenge to the administration of criminal justice will undoubtedly lead to a clarification of the scope of DPR in the next revision of China’s criminal legislation. The fuss made over Ai Weiwei’s illegal detention in 2011 led to a 2012 revision of criminal legislation relating to “residential surveillance at a designated location” (RSDL), which the police have subsequently abused by their unjustified nullification of the limits on RSDL imposed by the new provisions.

Reunion of Wang Quanzhang and his sister, April 21, 2020, Credit: Wang Quanzhang’s wife Li Wenzu’s twitter @709liwenzu

Reunion of Wang Quanzhang and his sister, April 21, 2020, Credit: Wang Quanzhang’s wife Li Wenzu’s twitter @709liwenzu

Glimpse into rights lawyer Wang Quanzhang’s “Non-Release Release”

By Jerome A. Cohen

Rights lawyer Wang Quanzhang has not been free after his April 5 “release”. In the past two days, Mimi Lau of the South China Morning Post and William Yang of Deutsche Welle were able to reach Wang and published valuable interviews that offered unusual glimpses into the plight of this courageous lawyer (SCMP interviewDeutsche Welle).

Wang said he’ll challenge the unfair prosecution against him. Questions remain: How can Wang now do that? Has he yet been given belated copies of the prosecution’s indictment and the court’s judgment, as required by law even in secret trials? Can he now choose independent counsel to assist and meet with him? If his wife and colleagues were unable to access the legal system to defend his rights for almost five years, can he and they now do better? Here is my take in the Diplomat, Wang Quanzhang and China’s ‘Non-Release Release’.

Wang Quanzhang, April 20, Credit: Li Wenzu’s twitter @709liwenzu

Wang Quanzhang, April 20, Credit: Li Wenzu’s twitter @709liwenzu